Eiffel Tower lookin' good tonight - Sarkozy: America can count on France

Sarkozy: America can count on France
Baltimore Sun, United States -

And because of that America can count on France in its battle on terror.” America might also be able to count on France as a full partner in NATO. ...
http://weblogs.baltimoresun.com/news/politics/blog/2007/11/sarkozy_america_can_count_on_f.html

Bush-Sarkozy Text

Wednesday November 7, 2007 10:16 PM
By The Associated Press

Text of the news conference Wednesday by President Bush and French President Nicolas Sarkozy at Mount Vernon, Va., as transcribed by CQ Transcriptions.

BUSH: Mr. President, welcome. Thank you very much for coming here to Mount Vernon. And thank you for coming to the United States.

I think it's safe to say that you've impressed a lot of people here on your journey. You bring a lot of energy, enthusiasm for your job, love of your country and a strong set of universal values in your heart.

We've just had an extensive conversation, one that you'd expect good friends to have.

We talked about Iran and the desire to work jointly to convince the Iranian regime to give up their nuclear weapons ambitions for the sake of peace.

We talked about the Middle East and the upcoming talks at Annapolis, Maryland.

We spent some time on Kosovo, and I appreciate the president's leadership on Kosovo.

I can't thank the president enough for his willingness to stand with young democracies as they struggle against extremists and radicals. And one such democracy is Afghanistan.

Mr. President, your leadership on that issue for your country was very impressive. You sent a very clear message. It's clear that you're a man who does what he says he's going to do. It's the kind of fellow I like to deal with.

And so, Mr. President, I also want to thank your administration and your strong stance for human rights and human dignity. Whether they be those who are oppressed in Burma or Darfur or on the island of Cuba, France's voice is important and it's clear that the human rights of every individual are important to the world.

And I look forward to advancing peace and freedom with you, Mr. President. Our bilateral relations are important. They are strong. And we intend to keep them that way.

And so welcome here to George Washington's old home. Proud to have you in America. Thanks for coming.

SARKOZY (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I want to thank President Bush, his administration, and all Americans, who have welcomed us in such exceptional fashion. I get the distinct sense that it is France that has been welcomed so warmly, with so much friendship, so much love. This was my hope, my ambition. And with Bernard Kouchner, Christine Lagarde, Rachida Dati and myself, this is exactly what we wanted.

We have been very moved, deeply moved, by your wonderful welcome, together with Mrs. Laura Bush yesterday at the White House. I especially enjoyed the skit of the dialogue between George Washington and Lafayette that we witnessed.

The tokens of friendship that we have seen since we have been here, your open-mindedness, and the fact that we can address any and every subject, all those that you mentioned, sir, even though the European defense policy and NATO have also been addressed, environmental issues, which are close to our heart, and Afghanistan.

I said that we would stay there because what is at stake is the credibility of the Atlantic Alliance and the fight against terror.

We spent hours discussing important issues, commercial, economic and others, and I would say that we have done so in a spirit of openness and trust and that is something I have been particularly struck by. And I can tell you, that this visit I think has been very widely covered in France.

And when I say that the French people love the American people, that is the truth and nothing but the truth.

Now, I spoke at length this morning, and I think the best would be that after President Bush, whom I wish to thank once again, we could answer any questions you may have.

Q: Mr. President, you came down so hard on Burma and other nations for their crackdowns on pro-democracy demonstrators, yet you seem to be giving Musharraf a pass. So the question is, why are you going so soft on Musharraf? Is there a double standard?

BUSH: I spoke to President Musharraf right before I came over here to visit with President Sarkozy. And my message was that we believe strongly in elections and that you ought to have elections soon, and you need to take off your uniform. You can't be the president and the head of the military at the same time.

So I had a very frank discussion with him.

Look, our objective is the same in Burma as it is in Pakistan, and that is to promote democracy.

There is a difference, however. Pakistan has been on the path to democracy. Burma hadn't been on the path to democracy. And it requires different tactics to achieve the common objective.

And as I told you, I just spoke to President Musharraf before I came here and my message was very plain, very easy to understand, and that is, the United States wants you to have the elections as scheduled and take your uniform off.

You want to call on somebody?

SARKOZY (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): In France, I don't choose - I don't pick the journalists.

BUSH: You don't get to choose? Who chooses?

I choose?

Who would you like me to choose?

Oh, he chose. Wait a minute, didn't last very long, did it?

SARKOZY (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I didn't choose. I indicated a general direction.

Q: Thank you, Mr. President.

My question is on Iraq. Mr. President, this morning you talked at length about Afghanistan, Iran, but not Iraq.

And I wanted to ask both of you: Is France reconciled with the United States, as the United States is reconciled with France?

So what about Iraq?

Can France, for instance, help to get out of the Iraqi quagmire?

And, President Bush, where do you stand on Iraq and your domestic debate on Iraq?

Do you have a timetable for withdrawing troops?

BUSH: I don't - you know quagmire is an interesting word. If you lived in Iraq and had lived under a tyranny, you'd be saying: God, I love freedom, because that's what's happened.

And there are killers and radicals and murderers who kill the innocent to stop the advance of freedom. But freedom's happening in Iraq. And we're making progress.

And I can't thank the president enough for sending his foreign minister to Baghdad. It was a clear message that freedom matters, that when people are struggling to live in freedom, that those of us who have the comfort of a free society ought to help them.

We had a difference of opinion with your great country over whether or not I should have used military force to enforce U.N. demands. I reminded a TV reporter - I don't know if the person's here or not - but I said, I just want to remind you that (U.N. resolution) 1441 was supported by France and the United States, which clearly said to the dictator, you will disclose, disarm, or face serious consequences.

Now, I'm the kind of person that, when somebody says something, I take them for their word.

Having said that, we had a difference of opinion. But I don't sense any difference of opinion now, that a struggling democracy wants help from those of us who live in the comfort of free societies.

And, Mr. President, the strong gesture of sending your foreign minister there wasn't a message to the United States, because we're good friends. It was a message to the Iraqi citizens that said, We hear your cries for freedom. We want you to succeed. Because one of the lessons of history is free societies yield peace.

And so I appreciate your leadership on that issue, and I want to thank you foreign minister for - for - I don't see your foreign minister.

Look, the guy was here.

Oh, there he is, yes, next to - like the president was blocking.

Next to Madam Rice.

Anyway, thank you, sir.

SARKOZY (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Allow me to give you two answers in one.

On Pakistan, yes, we're worried about the situation. It's worrisome, and we need to have elections as swiftly as possible.

You cannot combat extremism using the same methods as extremists. And it is very important, it is of the essence, that Pakistan organize elections. And, like President Bush, I wish this to take place as speedily as possible.

Let me remind you that this is a country of 150 million inhabitants who happen to have nuclear weapons. This is very important for us, that one day we should wake up with a government, an administration in Pakistan which is in the hands of the extremists.

And we should, each and everyone of us, think about this. The principles, the values that we uphold and that we defend, and we must continue to uphold. And then there's the complexity, as it were, in the field. That's why it's important to convene elections - call elections.

Now, on Iraq, Bernard Kouchner's trip to Iraq was very successful. What does France want? A united Iraq. No one - it is in no one's interest to see Iraq dismantled. We want a democratic Iraq. We want a diverse Iraq where each component - component element of Iraqi society has learned to live with others, an Iraq which can administer and govern itself and that has the means of ensuring the peace and security of every one of its citizens.

And that is exactly Bernard Kouchner's message when he went to Iraq, and this is in the interest of one and all that it be thus. And that position is the position I will defend until the end.

Q: Mr. President, with what ...

BUSH: Which one?

Q: Both of you.

BUSH: Get moving, will you?

Q: Mr. President, with oil approaching $100 a barrel, are you concerned that your hard words for Iran on its nuclear program are helping drive up oil prices, which can end up hurting the U.S. economy?

BUSH: No. I believe oil prices are going up because the demand for oil outstrips the supply for oil. Oil is going up because developing countries still use a lot of oil. Oil is going up because we use too much oil. And the capacity to replace reserves is dwindling. That's why the price of oil is going up.

Now, I believe it is important for us to send clear signals to the Iranian government that the free world understands the risks of you trying to end up with a nuclear weapon. And therefore, we will work together to try to find if there's not rational people inside your government, who are tired of isolation and who believe there's a better way forward.

Every time I give a talk about Iran, I make sure I speak to the Iranian people. And I want them to hear once again that we discussed your country today, that we believe, that I believe that you've got a bright future, that we respect your history and respect your tradition.

However, you are governed by people who are making decisions that are isolating you from the rest of the world, and you can do better than that.

The idea of Iran having a nuclear weapon is dangerous, and, therefore, now is the time for us to work together to diplomatically solve this problem. We spent a lot of time on the subject. And I thank the French president for his resolve on solving this issue peacefully.

SARKOZY (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): I just wanted to say that we exchange all the intelligence and information we had. It is unacceptable that Iran should have at any point a nuclear weapon. But Iran is entitled to the energy of the future, which is civilian nuclear energy.

I believe in the effectiveness of sanctions. I believe even in the need to toughen the sanctions. But in my mind, the two go together. In other words, the open, the outstretched hand of dialogue, of continuing discussions, because Iran deserves a better fate than that isolation.

And I cannot imagine that there are not people, leaders in Iran, who have stopped to think about the consequences of what is going on. This is a great people and a great civilization, and we must be firm for as long as there is no gesture on their part. And we have to keep the way of dialogue open, because we must do everything to avoid the worst-case scenario.

And this is indeed was the subject of a very lengthy conversation which showed exactly how convergent our views were.

QUESTION (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): To the president: With respect to your statements on Afghanistan and France's commitment and engagement, does this mean that France is going to be sending additional ground troops in to fight in the southern regions of Afghanistan, as the U.S. wishes them to do?

How do you feel about the fact that France has been engaging Syria on the upcoming Lebanese presidential election?

Do you think that's a good idea?

And what are the chances that Lebanon will have a presidential election by November 24?

BUSH: Thanks. Good question. Want me to go first?

SARKOZY (THROUGH TRANSLATOR): Well, on Afghanistan, I said what I thought, and what I think. We've talked about it with President Bush. We will not pull out of Afghanistan because what is at stake here is the solidity of our alliance.

And ultimately, what is at stake here is the fight against terror. We're thinking about the best way to help bring about a democratic Afghanistan.

Is it by stepping up our training efforts so that we lay the groundwork or the basis of a modern Afghan state, or is it by other means, maybe, perhaps, military means?

We're still thinking about it.

BUSH: First of all, you know, the Syrian influence in Lebanon was something the previous government and I worked on collaboratively.

And because France and the United States worked together, we passed 1551, a resolution of the United Nations which got Syria out of Lebanon, by and large.

And so, we spent time collaborating on how best to make sure that Syria doesn't influence the presidential elections, that, in fact, the presidency is picked by the Lebanese people.

And I'm very aware that Mr. Hariri and Nabih Berri are in consultations to whether or not they can come up with an acceptable candidate to them - not to Syria, whether or not the Lebanese people can be assured that their president is going to be representing the people of Lebanon, not the people - not the government of Syria.

And I'm comfortable with President Sarkozy's government sending clear messages that meet common objectives. And our common objective here is for this Lebanese democracy to survive, thrive and serve as an example for others.

We will work with France and with others to see that this process be completed by November 24th. We believe it's in the interests of the Middle East that this Lebanese democracy survive.

I want Lebanon to serve as an example for the Palestinians, to show them what's possible. I believe in a two-state solution. I believe there ought to be two states living side by side in peace. So does the president. We discussed that today.

There's nothing better for the Palestinians to see - what is possible with a stable democracy in Lebanon.

The interesting challenge we face in the world in which we live is there are murderers who will try to stop the advance of democracy, particularly in the Middle East. Isn't it interesting that the places where there's most violence is where there's young democracies trying to take hold, whether it be Iraq or Lebanon or in the Palestinian territories.

And the call for nations such as ourselves is to support those who want to live in freedom. Freedom is a great alternative to the ideology of people who murder the innocent to achieve their political objectives. By the way, the very same ones that came and killed 3,000 of our citizens.

And so what I'm telling you is - let me end this press conference by telling you this. I have a partner in peace, somebody who has clear vision, basic values, who is willing to take tough positions to achieve peace.

So when you ask, am I comfortable with a Sarkozy government sending messages? You bet I'm comfortable.

Mr. President, thanks for coming. Appreciate you being here.

END

http://www.guardian.co.uk/worldlatest/story/0,,-7058876,00.html

Technorati - Freedom 911 Al Qaida Al Qaeda Al Qaida Bin Laden Islamofascism Islam Apes and pigs Terrorism Terrorist oganization Hamas 'palestinians' Al Aqsa Alaqsa Muslims Christians Jews Arabs bombing Infidels Israel US Security Jihad War on Terror Iraq Iran Mosque Foreign policy West non Muslims Sarkozy Democracy France Democracy Bush Afghanitsan Islamic Threat Nukes Taliban Islamists

Enter "Absurd-Jihad", Racist Arabs, Islamofascists call sarkozy: "fascist"

Enter "Absurd-Jihad", Racist Arabs, Islamofascists call sarkozy: "fascist"

Imgine if a pro Hitler would go on the streets and shout "Nazis", "fascists", you would either laugh or look with pity on this low creature, I would expect the same from any reporter on the demonstrations or rather on the violence rampage by Arabs, Muslims "youth".

What happens when Arab racists & Islamofascists, the champions of ALL bigotry today, call someone that has dared to stand up against terrorism, Arab racism, Jihadi fascism? You guessed it right, they call the hero a "fascist".

The ONLY man in the French government that showed he has mercy on the weak victims of terrorism & antisemitism. The Masses of French victims by the Arab Muslim invaders' violence incited by Imams of the 'religion of peace'.

And it's under this theme they attack non Arab, non Muslim passers bye, Jewish ones mostly (but not exclusively), the favorite victim by the REAL fascists. The only question is who do these lowlifes think their "name calling" appeals to? These cruelest of mankind, the ones that organized attacking innocent Europeans for some Danish drawing, support any massacres on civilians as long as the civilians are not Muslim or 'not Muslim enough' in their eyes.

Absurd! The only dreadful picture of racist Arabs at Durban (2000) comes to mind!

Sarkozy warns of terrorist threat to election International News ...Critics said it would allow security forces currently led by Mr Sarkozy to "turn the screw" in their repression of Muslims. Entitled "The Terrorist Menace ... www.telegraph.co.uk/news/main.jhtml?xml=/news/2007/02/27/wfra27.xml Sarkozy jumps into row over Muslim airport staff, French News ..."In the fight against terrorism, Mr. Sarkozy's cause is just, ... Like Seddiki, another Muslim worker also lost his badge earlier this month, ... www.expatica.com/actual/article.asp?subchannel_id=25&story_id=33887 FOXNews.com - Terror Plot Suspects Planned 'Dry-Run' of Attacks in ...French Interior Minister Nicolas Sarkozy said the suspects in an alleged plot to ... of the continued threat to the United States from extremist Muslims. ... www.foxnews.com/story/0,2933,207682,00.html Wiesenthal Center Los Angeles http://www.juedische.at/TCgi/_v2/TCgi.cgi?target=home&Param_Kat=3&Param_RB=9&Param_Red=7820 Die Jüdische, Austria -President Sarkozy had keynoted the 2003 international conference in Paris on "Educating for Tolerance: The Case of Resurgent Antisemitism" Jewish Woman Brutalized http://www.infoisrael.net/cgi-local/text.pl?source=2/a/vii/090520071 Israel Hasbara Committee (subscription), NY - May 9, 2007 ... an antisemitic act, since it could sway the voters in favor of Nicolas Sarkozy. His platform deals with the violence and antisemitism of French Arabs. ...

Technorati - Terrorism War on terror Terror victims Self defense Security Human shields Jihadism Muslims Arabism Arabs Info Anti semitism Sarkozy France Paris burning Pallywood

French Resistance to Jihadism: The broad implications of Sarkozy’s election

French Resistance to Jihadism: The broad implications of Sarkozy’s election

http://www.familysecuritymatters.org/global.php?id=973166

By Walid Phares

When I was leaving Paris at the end of October 2005 after a visit to France, I had two things in mind: First, I had seen the beginning of the urban intifada, which would soon engulf about two hundred cities and towns. Second, I was able to have my book Future Jihad received by Minister of Interior Nicolas Sarkozy. And as my plane was taking off, I concluded that the jihadi “invasion” of France’s cities would lead to a French popular response. This Sunday’s presidential election epitomized this reaction, and Nicolas Sarkozy embodied it.

This striking electoral victory by the son of an immigrant is the result of the French public’s rejection of a slow decay that has been eroding the foundations of the Fifth Republic for years, some would say even since its inception in 1958. Without any doubt, the country’s economic insecurity and a need for change were among the reasons for Sarkozy’s electoral success. He promised a third path between the rigid left-wing agenda and Chirac’s stagnant economics. Many civil societies in Europe wish to escape the choice between Socialism and capitalism. European voters and French ones in particular, have desperately been trying to communicate this to their politicians since the end of the Cold War. But Sarkozy’s victory is also a response to another desperate plea from the peoples of Europe, and from the French silent majority in particular: Please resist the rise of terror that is the urban jihad. This Sunday’s vote, and the presidential primaries, were also — even mostly — about this latent worry, even if the political and media elite attempted to ignore it. When given the opportunity, French electors responded to the elite’s tergiversation on the perceived threat to democracy and security.

THE RISE OF TERROR



Since the 1970s, France has been a target for terrorist activities. Left wing, right wing, and Middle Eastern-rooted groups attacked the country and were fought fiercely by the government. As of the early 1990s, French urban centers began to witness the rise of radical Islamist networks. Migrating from the Maghreb (northwest Africa) and other regions, Salafi clerics and militants promoted jihadism around Paris and many other cities. By the end of the decade, many suburban zones were practically ruled by powers parallel to the state



Inaugurated by Charles de Gaulle in the 1960s, the “politique Arabe de la France” (Arab policy of France), meant in practice an accommodation by Paris to the wishes of foreign powers providing cheap natural resources to the country’s industrial complex. Very smartly, the domestic jihadi web positioned itself under the umbrella of the French Oil interest and multinational corporations; radical clerics were financed by Saudi and other Arab regimes, spreading Wahhabism and Salafism across the country. Any interference by French authorities would “hurt” the relations with Petrol-regimes and thus would have a negative effect on the “economic benefits” to the country. Moreover, high-profile politicians, including President Chirac, were accused of becoming personal friends with Middle Eastern financial empires.



The silent majority in France was powerless against the rise of the extremists in the banlieues (suburbs) and throughout the provinces. The average French voter grew frustrated with these two political options and was not willing to support Le Pen’s extreme positions. Popular dismay was exacerbated as the “parallel society” of radicals expanded in urban France. Within those enclaves, the Salafis were profiting from the void. Wherever French police and social workers couldn’t go, jihadi cells would mushroom. The combination of areas ruled by Imams and migrant terror-networks was explosive: In the fall of 2005, it did explode, right in the face of French citizenry.



THE FAILURE OF APPEASEMENT



After the September 11 attacks in the U.S., most Europeans worried that the same could happen to them. The European elite, however, largely dismissed the possibility, arguing that America brought the attacks upon itself by means of its foreign policy. Soon enough, Western Europe felt the ire of al Qaeda and its ilk: the Madrid train attacks on March 11, 2004, the London subway killings on July 7, 2005, and the assassination of Van Gogh on November 2, 2004, in Amsterdam were the most visible of the continental ghazwas (Jihadi raids).



In France, President Jacques Chirac, taking the Gaullist doctrine to its extreme, thought he could spare his country from the “holy wars.” By opposing the removal of Saddam and leading the criticism of Washington, the French political establishment, led by the Élysée (the presidential palace) and endorsed by Rue Solferino (the headquarters of the Socialist party), pitted itself against the United States. Between 2003 and late 2004, French diplomacy fought a fierce battle against America’s involvement in Iraq. The more Paris aligned itself with Berlin’s Schroeder and with anti-American governments worldwide, the more Chirac’s politicians felt safe at home and overseas. But the Jihadi powers, Salafists, and Khomeinists had different calculations. Their message to the French was: Either you are with us or you are against us.



During the Iraq war and in its aftermath, Salafi combat-cells continued to spread in France. Not supporting the U.S. in Iraq didn’t shield France from this domestic threat. Al Qaeda doesn’t reward infidels for not joining other infidels in the fight. Nor did Iran and Syria protect the French president’s interests and friends in the region, despite his political war with the Bush administration. In 2004, the Syrian regime went after Chirac’s allies and partners in Lebanon, most notably after Chirac’s friend Rafiq Hariri. In September, Paris reacted by introducing, along with the U.S., a resolution to get Syria out of Lebanon. In retaliation, the Assad regime launched an assassination campaign, killing many politicians, including Hariri. France’s “Arab policy” was collapsing. By the fall of 2005, France’s national soil was transformed into a battlefield.



UNREST IN FRANCE



On October 27, in Clichy-sous-Bois, an eastern suburb of Paris, “youth gangs” began torching cars and destroying property. The vandalism was purportedly instigated by the death of two young men who were being chased by police. But there was clearly more to it: The uprising spread to dozens of cities and similar graffiti appeared simultaneously across the country. By November 8, 2005, a state of emergency was declared. Ten thousand cars had been burned.



The French public took this as a warning. The media, government, and academia insisted on the unemployment-youth-socio-economic paradigm. But the silent majority didn’t buy it. People living close to the “insurgents” and interacting with them, including the security agencies, understood what was happening: Large urban zones around France’s cities had slipped away from national sovereignty. The radicals had built a “société parallèle,” concluded the average citizens. If the police couldn’t go into the suburbs, it was because they had become Taliban-like pockets. A national leader had to step in.



SARKOZY ARRIVES



Moving swiftly and energetically, Nicolas Sarkozy, the minister of interior, took charge in what was the most sensitive aspect of the French collective psychology. After having organized the Islamic Federation of France in an attempt to whisk it away from the radicals the year before, Sarkozy became the target of attacks by the Salafi clerics, many of whom were preaching Jihadism in the mosques. Sarkozy used French laws to deport a number of them who were non-citizens. In 2003, Sarkozy had organized a state backed Council for Islamic Faith to contain the rise of the Islamists. The November 2005 intifada was a response to the Sarkozy counter-Jihadi measures. In response the minister of interior pushed for the deportation of the radical clerics he accused of incitements.



Nicolas Sarkozy embodies important sociological characteristics of French political culture. Being the son of immigrants, he can’t be attacked by the ideological users of the “immigrant shield.” He comes from a conservative background to assure the French that the national identity has to be protected, and he promotes progressive change, integrating the views of the French who are concerned with environmental and economic reforms.



Yet the collective consciousness of the French public today is primarily concerned with survival. This goes against the dominant paradigm, the official speech, and the intellectual rhetoric. French people took heed of the warning they saw on their televisions, the terrorist attacks in New York, Madrid, and London; they were shocked by what they saw from their own balconies happening on their streets. They were looking for someone to do something about this, and they found their man in Sarkozy.



This is not just one more European election; it is a benchmark in French politics and, subsequently, in the Western struggle to win the war on terror. The change will affect France deeply, but also its relations on the Continent, across the Atlantic, and in the Greater Middle East. Nicolas Sarkozy is determined to bring France back to itself after decades of Gaullist erring. His statement about being a friend of the United States doesn’t mean only that he will listen to what Washington has to say about the world, but also that he will make known to our politicians his experiences with a common enemy. As is clear, America’s establishment could well use the advice of this newly arrived friend on the world stage.



After he was elected, Sarkozy pledged that France would support the oppressed and persecuted around the world. In other words, France is committed to helping weak societies struggling for liberties against dictatorships. This statement is a prelude to what could become a new era of French solidarity with the global resistance to ideological jihadism. In this respect, Sarkozy’s victory can be viewed as a first step in the return of the French Resistance, this time against jihadism.


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France to support the GOOD GUYS - Israel

France to support the GOOD GUYS - Israel

Sarkozy pledges Israel support

http://www.jta.org/cgi-bin/iowa/breaking/101688.html


France's president-elect vowed to support Israel.

Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert's office said Tuesday that he had spoken by phone with Nicolas Sarkozy to congratulate him on his succession of French President Jacques Chirac.

The statement added that the conservative Sarkozy "thanked Prime Minister Olmert and said: 'I am a friend of Israel and Israel can always rely on my friendship".

The two leaders expect to meet and discuss Middle East issues after Sarkozy is inaugurated, Olmert's office said.

Many Israelis see Sarkozy's election on Sunday as a chance for France to redress foreign policies that they long considered pro-Arab

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